Result from Russia’s failure to fulfill its promises of assistance to the Armenians March 1736

MESSAGE FROM THE ENVOY OF THE KARABAKH ARMENIANS, MINAS VARDAPET, TO S. SALTYKOV REGARDING THE PLIGHT OF THE ARMENIANS RESULTING FROM RUSSIA’S FAILURE TO FULFILL ITS PROMISES OF ASSISTANCE March 1736

11. The aforementioned Patriarch Isaiah, along with the Armenian elders of Sagnak, had for many years bravely defended their lands against formidable enemies, repelling their attacks. They fought almost daily in bloody battles and successfully barred the Turkish forces from advancing towards the Caspian Sea, as the Turks had ambitions of expanding their dominion to that region. The Turks, in consultation with the Bukharans, established alliances and deliberated amongst themselves, deciding that if Christians were to unite, they must not yield to them.
12. The Turks feared the Russians more than the Persians and sought to expel the Russians from the region. To achieve this, they repeatedly attempted to bribe and persuade the Patriarch, promising him financial rewards, yet he and his followers refused even to listen. Seeing that the Armenians and Georgians had pledged allegiance to Russia, the Lezgins and Turks plotted their extermination. As a result, the Turks frequently launched brutal attacks on Sagnak, destroying numerous Armenian and Georgian villages, capturing thousands, and selling them into slavery. Although the Turkish custom had previously prohibited the enslavement of Armenians, this restriction was lifted because of their loyalty to Russia.
13. Later, the enemy Lezgins, suspecting secret dealings between the Armenians and Russians, conspired with the Turks to prevent the Armenians and Georgians from maintaining ties with the Russian state. They captured many Armenians and sold them among themselves, although according to their prior customs, such practices had not been permitted.
14. When the Georgian king arrived in Russia, the Patriarch had hoped for assistance from the Russian Empire. The people of Sagnak were reassured by the words of the Archbishop and the Vardapet, expecting support from such a great emperor. However, when no aid arrived, they fell into despair. The Vardapet himself felt guilty and acknowledged his fault, as those who trusted his assurances now blamed him for their predicament.
15. The Patriarch’s warriors, seeing the consultation between the Turks and the Lezgins and realizing that they had no support from the Russians, pleaded with the Patriarch for guidance, but among themselves, they argued and quarreled. Observing the growing chaos and betrayal, the Patriarch tragically ended his life prematurely. Had the Armenians maintained their alliance with him, the Turks and Lezgins would never have been able to defeat them. Similarly, had the Georgians remained loyal to their king and united among themselves, the Turks would never have been able to cause them harm.
16. Those who remained loyal to the promise of Russian assistance placed their faith in a noble leader, including the three elders Ivan Yusbashi, Tarkhan Yusbashi, and Bagiy Yusbashi, along with the Russian courier Karabet, who had been sent to them. They left for Nizovo, while the fate of the remaining inhabitants of Sagnak remains unknown. The aforementioned Patriarch and his people firmly believed in Russian aid, especially since Russia maintained good relations with the Holy Roman Emperor. Thus, they remained resolute in their defense against their enemies, only to suffer destruction due to the failure of the promised assistance.

Source: AVPR, File 100, 1736, Document 5, pp. 2-7. Published in G. A. Ezov, Relations of Peter the Great with the Armenian People, St. Petersburg, 1898, Document No. 305.

Russian Research on the Indigenous Armenian Population of Karabakh, the Status of Meliks, and the Circumstances of Panah Khan’s Entry into Shusha

*”Karabakh is a region lying between the left bank of the Aras River and the right bank of the Kura River—above the Mughan Plain, in the mountains. Its primary inhabitants are Armenians, governed by five hereditary meliks, or native princes, corresponding to the number of cantons. Each melik can field up to 1,000 soldiers. These meliks, under the system established by Nadir Shah, are directly subordinated to the Shah.

The most fortified settlement in the area is Shusha. It originally belonged to Melik Shahnazar of Varanda. However, after quarreling with two other meliks—Adam of Jraberd and Yusup of Ikirmidort—he allied himself with Panah Khan, an obscure ruler of the nomadic Chevanshir Tatar tribe near Karabakh. Following Nadir Shah’s death, Melik Shahnazar ceded Shusha to Panah Khan and, having submitted to him along with his canton, waged war against his former adversaries—the two meliks—for 20 years.”*

Source: Academic A. Butkov, Materials on the Modern History of the Caucasus, St. Petersburg, 1869, Russian Academy of Sciences Publishing, Vol. 1, pp. 385-386.

Azerbaijani “Primary Source”—Khan’s Vizier Mirza Jamal Javanshir on Panah Khan as a Bandit and the Role of Melik Shahnazar in Granting Him His Domain in Shusha

Chapter 3 On the Origins of the Late Panah Khan and His Rule in the Karabakh Vilayet

The lineage of the late Panah Khan traces its origins to the Dizak branch of the Javanshir tribe, specifically from the Sarijalli clan—one of the branches of the Bahmanli tribe, which had migrated from Turkestan in ancient times. His ancestors were known among the Javanshirs as noble, wealthy, and generous individuals.

When Nadir Shah conquered the provinces of Karabakh, Ganja, Tiflis, and Shirvan, he summoned anyone among the tribal and rural populations whom he deemed brave and skilled, incorporating them into his service with provisions, status, and ranks. Among these recruits was Panah Khan, formerly known as Panah-Ali Bek Javanshir of the Sarijalli clan. He distinguished himself in various matters and excelled in battle more than his peers. He performed exceptional feats during Nadir Shah’s campaigns against the armies of Rum (Ottoman Empire), earning his place as a close servant.

Over the years, Nadir Shah’s favor toward him grew, elevating him above his comrades in rank and position. However, envious detractors at the Shah’s court and among the tribes began to spread malicious rumors about him, which ultimately weakened the Shah’s trust. Realizing his precarious situation, Panah Khan, fearing for his life, fled to Karabakh in 1737/38 with a small group of relatives and confidants while Nadir Shah was in Khorasan.

When his escape was discovered, the Shah dispatched envoys to capture him en route, but they failed. Stern orders were sent to the governor of Azerbaijan and the rulers of Ganja, Tiflis, and Shirvan demanding Panah Khan’s capture and return. Although his family and associates were persecuted and fined, these measures did not lead to his apprehension.

Upon entering Karabakh, Panah Khan took refuge in its mountainous terrain or occasionally settled in the Kabala district of the Sheki province. After a few years, his eldest son, Ibrahim Khalil Agha, then about fifteen years old, arrived from Khorasan, where their family had a home, and remained with his father.

After Nadir Shah was assassinated in 1747, Panah Khan resurfaced among Karabakh’s surviving population, gathered a group of capable young warriors, and launched raids on Ganja, Nakhichevan, and other regions. He distributed wealth, horses, and other spoils to his followers, strengthening his influence. When word arrived that the Javanshir tribes—previously deported by the Shah to Khorasan—were returning home, Panah Khan set out to meet them at the Iran-Azerbaijan border. His relatives and tribesmen, rejoicing in his survival and the considerable number of supporters around him, joined him in re-entering Karabakh, resettling in their former pastures.

As the returning tribes were impoverished and deprived, Panah Khan gathered bold youths from his kin and engaged in plundering expeditions in Shirvan, Sheki, Ganja, and Karabakh provinces, making his warriors independent and wealthy. He won the common people’s loyalty through generous gifts of livestock, horses, and other rewards while subjugating dissenters through punishments and executions. No villagers or tribesmen dared defy his orders.

During the time when the Armenian districts of Khamse refused to submit to him, Panah Khan found it expedient to build a fortress among the nomadic tribes—to safeguard his family and followers from neighboring khans. Following consultations, construction began on the Bayat Fortress in the Kebirli district. Within a short period, the outer walls were erected, moats dug, and a market, bathhouse, and mosque established. Families from his clan, distinguished tribesmen, and even artisans from Tabriz and Ardabil—drawn by Panah Khan’s growing reputation—relocated to Bayat. The fortress was completed in 1745.

Following this success, Panah Khan sought to subjugate the Armenian districts of Khamse. The first to submit was Melik Shahnazar Bek of Varanda, who had long feuded with the meliks of Jraberd, Talish, and Dizak. He openly declared loyalty to Panah Khan, who, considering this a prestigious conquest, treated him with great respect.

Melik of Khachen initially resisted but later capitulated and was appointed by Panah Khan as the hereditary ruler of his domain, which remains intact today. The people of Khachen accepted his authority and fulfilled their obligations. However, the meliks of Dizak, Jraberd, and Talish continued to wage war against him for several years before ultimately submitting through force.

After five years in Bayat Fortress, Panah Khan decided that its location was too exposed to enemies, necessitating a more strategic stronghold connected to the Karabakh mountains. This would allow the local tribes to safeguard their herds and property during conflicts.

Seeing that the inhabitants of Khachen were hostile to him, Panah Khan launched a military campaign against them. The people of Khachen, numbering around 2,000 marksmen, fled with their families to a remote stronghold in Balligay and resisted. A fierce battle ensued for three days, and on the third day, Panah Khan seized their fortification.

The neighboring Armenian districts, witnessing his conquest of a well-defended stronghold, were overwhelmed with fear. Some continued to resist him while others sought peace. Clashes persisted with Melik Hatam of Jraberd and Melik Usub of Talish—both wealthy and influential rulers—who eventually retreated to remote mountains and gorges to escape destruction.

Lacking alternatives, they abandoned their lands, homes, and livelihoods.

Yuri Barsegov “Nagorno-Karabakh in International Law and Global Politics”

Artatsolum

Read Also:

• Ancient and Medieval Sources on Artsakh (Karabakh) as Part of Armenia’s State Territory
• Message from Gandzasar Catholicos Esayi to Peter I August 10, 1716
• Memorandum Issued to Ivan Karapet Along with the Imperial Letter to the Armenian People Regarding Russia’s Readiness to Take the Armenians of Karabakh Under Its Protection June 3, 1723
• Decree of Peter I to the Armenian People Regarding Russia’s Willingness to Offer Protection to the Armenians of Karabakh
• On Armenian Hopes for Russian Assistance
• Report of Minas Vardapet to Peter I
• Contents of the Secret Letters from the Armenian Assembly and the Armenian Army of Karabakh to the Russian Emperor and Chancellor August 1724
• Contents of the Secret Letters from the Armenian Assembly and the Armenian Army of Karabakh to the Russian Emperor and Chancellor August 1724
• State Charter of Peter I On the Acceptance of the Armenian People Under the Protection of the Russian State and Their Resettlement from Karabakh to Newly Acquired Persian Provinces November 10, 1724
• Letters from the Catholicos and the Meliks of Karabakh
• Charter of Catherine I Addressed to the Armenian Assembly
• Message General Mkhitar—to the Russian Government
• The Armenian Assembly’s Request for Military Assistance June 19, 1727