Appeal of the Karabakh Armenian National Council To the Commander of Allied Forces in Baku

History

Appeal of the Karabakh Armenian National Council To the Commander of Allied Forces in Baku Requesting the Withdrawal of Azerbaijani and Turkish Troops from Nagorno-Karabakh and the Establishment of Provisional Self-Government under British Control until Unification with Armenia February 4, 1919

The Karabakh Armenian National Council, elected at the Fourth Regional Congress, has the honor to present, through its delegates—Bishop Vahan of the Karabakh Diocese and Council Member Grant Bagaturov—its views regarding the current situation in the Karabakh region.

As outlined in previous written reports from the provisional National Council, Your Excellency is already aware that the Armenian population of Karabakh, having defended its freedom and right to self-determination by force of arms, has never agreed—and cannot agree—to subordination under Azerbaijani authority, regardless of the form that authority might take.

In response to your appeal to the peoples of Karabakh, the Armenian population refrained from any military action or troop movements. However, despite full coordination with your appeal, the Armenians of Karabakh have, regrettably, had to silently observe how, contrary to your instructions and following the arrival of the Allied Mission, the Azerbaijani government deployed its forces to key strategic points—Askeran, Khankendi, Zabukh, Shushi, and Karyagino.

At the same time, Turkish units, commanded by Turkish officers, continue to operate within Karabakh. These actions are perceived by the Armenian population as the first steps of an aggressive Azerbaijani policy, provoking widespread anxiety and outrage among the Armenian masses.

Committed to peaceful resolution of interethnic disputes and firmly believing that the Peace Conference will honor the unanimous and steadfast will of the Armenian population to reunify this historically Armenian region with the Republic of Armenia, the Karabakh Armenian National Council considers it essential to temporarily preserve the situation as it was before the Turkish arrival. The Armenian zone of Karabakh, where Armenians comprise 75% to 90% of the population, is clearly delineated from the Muslim zone, as confirmed by the Transcaucasian Special Committee in its deliberations on territorial governance.

Within this Armenian part of Karabakh, we deem it necessary to establish self-government under British supervision, based on proportional representation, with full guarantees of rights for the Muslim minority. The details of this proposal will be presented by our delegates.

From the proposal communicated to us by your representative, Major Monk-Messon, and from the letter addressed to the Varanda commander Sokrat Bek Melik-Shahnazaryan, it is evident that—with your approval—it is deemed desirable to create a provisional mixed governorate for the districts of Zangezur, Shusha, Karyagino, and Jevanshir, comprising both Turkic and Tatar elements, under a British command representative.

Such a mixed administration, combining the distinct Armenian and Muslim areas of Karabakh under real-life conditions, will prove unworkable in practice and will inevitably lead to unwanted friction and disputes—not fostering peace and coexistence, but deepening interethnic tensions.

Sincerely striving for peace and rule of law, the Karabakh Armenian National Council cannot assume responsibility for a local governance system that contradicts the clearly expressed will of the people: territorial self-government for the Armenian part of Karabakh, independent of Azerbaijan, until the Peace Conference renders its decision.

In light of the above, the Karabakh Armenian National Council respectfully requests Your Excellency to fundamentally revise the proposed mixed governorate project, to resolve the issue of governance in the Armenian zone of Karabakh on the principles stated herein, and to take urgent measures to withdraw from Armenian territory all troops that, in defiance of your directive, have advanced and occupied Armenian areas.

Given the extreme importance of the issue and the complexity of the situation in Karabakh—fraught with potentially grave consequences—the Council also humbly appeals to Your Excellency to communicate this petition to the British Command.

In conclusion, on behalf of the Karabakh Armenians, we affirm our unwavering loyalty and devotion to the military allies, who have always shown goodwill toward the suffering Armenian people. We respectfully request, General, that you accept this expression of deepest respect, devotion, and confidence—that the long-suffering Karabakh Armenians will, as always, find in you a steadfast defender of their just rights and aspirations regarding the establishment of provisional self-government in Armenian Karabakh pending the Peace Conference resolution.

Chairman of the Council Secretary

Memorandum from the District Commissioner of Jraberd To the Chairman of the Government of Armenia Concerning the Political Situation in Artsakh from November 1917 to February 1919 and the Attitude of Its Armenian Population Toward the Territory’s Status February 17, 1919

Honorable Chairman of the Council of Ministers,

Since November 1917, after the departure of the remnants of Russian military forces and officials, Karabakh has been left without governance. A National Council formed in the city of Shushi by representatives of various political parties initially managed all national affairs in the city. This council soon transformed into a civil committee, which continued to handle all administrative matters. A similar committee was formed among the Turkic population of Shushi, equally effective in overseeing its community’s affairs.

From representatives of both committees—Armenian and Turkic—a joint interethnic council was established to resolve issues of shared concern. It included equal representation from both communities, with an Armenian chairperson and a Turkic deputy. Thus, Shushi was governed in this manner until July 16, 1918. Meanwhile, four Armenian-populated districts—Varanda, Dizak, Khachen, and Jraberd—remained without any form of governance during this period.

Soldiers who had deserted the army under the previous regime formed roaming gangs, led by Azerbaijani bandits, exploiting the power vacuum to conduct widespread looting. These gangs, operating in broad daylight, seized draft and dairy cattle, sheep, goats, chickens, and calves from Armenian peasants. Travel between villages became perilous. Armenian soldiers returning from the front—separated for years from their families—were ambushed, robbed, and murdered.

The situation became unbearable. The people’s patience had worn thin. Authority was needed. An assembly of Armenian peasants was convened in Shushi, which elected a seven-member leadership and entrusted it with all administrative, judicial, and food-related matters. Order was quickly restored. Bandits were expelled, spies—Armenians collaborating with Azerbaijan—were executed, and governance was re-established. Life began to normalize.

However, on September 20, 1918, Nuripasha’s deputy, the notorious “hero” of Baku, Jemal Jevat Bey, issued an ultimatum to the spiritual leader of Karabakh’s Armenians, demanding within three days the surrender of arms and unconditional capitulation to Turkish command in exchange for guarantees of life and property. The Armenian authorities immediately convened an emergency congress, and the spiritual leader and the city’s mayor sent a delegation to Jevat Bey requesting a 10-day extension.

The congress met and, after deliberating over three sessions, adopted the following resolution: the Emergency Armenian Congress of Karabakh acknowledges the authority of Azerbaijan but requests that arms not be surrendered, considering this would expose Armenians to the threat of the Turkish marauders flooding the region. The congress appealed to the Turkish command to allow delegates to travel to Baku to negotiate with the Azerbaijani government. These proposals were rejected. On the following day, September 21, Turkish forces launched a surprise assault on Armenian villages near Askeran—Pirdjamal, Ketuk, Khanabad, Nakhichevanik, and Ilis—capturing them after a brief bombardment.

The situation became critical. Khachen and Shushi prepared for surrender, while Varanda and Jraberd opted for armed resistance. Indeed, Turkish-Azerbaijani forces entering the Jraberd district near the villages of Martakert, Mokhratag, and Lulasaz were attacked three times by Jraberd residents, suffering losses while Armenians remained unscathed, pushing the enemy back to Tartar. On each occasion, the enemy was defeated and forced to retreat in disgrace.

In Varanda, a group of 300 Turks was decimated by a swift Armenian counterattack, leaving behind two cannons, two machine guns, a large supply of ammunition, horses, and mules. Only two or three dozen managed to flee.

Yet the Karabakh Armenians’ situation became even more dire. Cut off from the outside world, unaware of Allied developments or the whereabouts of British forces, and with Andranik’s units in Goris separated by Zabukh, the people of Karabakh faced danger from all sides. Nonetheless, especially in Jraberd and Varanda, they were determined to die with arms in hand rather than submit to Azerbaijan.

This tense stalemate lasted until mid-November, when news arrived that British troops had entered Baku. Conditions improved for the Armenians. British forces appeared in Shushi under Major Gibbon, who, upon learning of the former Armenian provisional leadership, chose to continue working through it. A gathering of village heads and community leaders divided Karabakh into four districts—Varanda, Dizak, Khachen, and Jraberd—each forming a temporary governing body. These districts then sent one delegate each to Shushi, establishing a central administration under the British Mission, which transmitted directives and instructions to the district authorities.

It must be absolutely clear to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Armenian Republic and all members of the government that the Armenians of Karabakh have resolved to await the judgment of the supreme arbiter—the European Conference—and to govern themselves autonomously. The Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh currently consider it inappropriate to proclaim themselves an inseparable part of Armenia.

In the future, if the Conference’s decision on Karabakh is favorable to us, we shall immediately declare ourselves an integral part of Armenia. But if, due to the Conference’s imprudence, the decision favors Azerbaijan, the Armenians of Karabakh will be on the brink of uprising, the outcome of which cannot presently be foreseen.

In sharing this information with Your Excellency, I also submit the budget outlining the three-month income and expenditures of Jraberd’s temporary administration, which shows a deficit exceeding 100,000 rubles. I respectfully request an allocation of 100,000 rubles from the state treasury, without which this authority cannot maintain order.

Ovanes Arakelyan Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 199, op. 1, d. 38, pp. 11–12. Original. Manuscript. Translated from Armenian. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 48.

Protest of the IV Karabakh Armenian National Congress

Against Azerbaijan’s Intent to Claim Karabakh as Its Territory Addressed to the Allied Powers, the Peace Conference, and the Governments of Azerbaijan and Armenia Shushi, February 19, 1919

The IV Karabakh Armenian Congress, having reviewed on February 19th the response note from the Azerbaijani government to the Government of Armenia, hereby declares its categorical protest against Azerbaijan’s intent to consider Armenian Karabakh as its territory.

Upholding the principle of national self-determination, the Armenian population of Karabakh respects this right for neighboring peoples, yet firmly protests any attempt by the Azerbaijani government to violate this principle in relation to Armenian Karabakh, which has never recognized, and shall not recognize, the authority of Azerbaijan.

The Congress insists on the defense of its rights before the Allied representatives in the Caucasus and the Peace Conference.

This protest is also directed to:

  • General Thomson, Commander of Allied Forces in Baku
  • The Government of Azerbaijan
  • The Government of Armenia
  • Armenian delegates to the Peace Conference

Chairman of the Congress: A. Shakhnazaryan Secretary of the Congress: T. Ter-Ioanissian Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 223, op. 1, d. 75, p. 77. Typescript. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 49.

Draft Regulations for the Provisional Administration of Armenian Karabakh

February 20, 1919

Until a resolution is issued by the Peace Conference, Armenian Karabakh shall be governed according to the following regulations:

  1. Armenian Karabakh is defined as the mountainous zone of the districts of Shushi, Karyagino, Jevanshir (Jraberd), and Elisavetpol (Gyulistan), due to their compact Armenian majority.
  2. The district of Zangezur shall be administered separately.
  3. Administration shall be vested in the Regional Council based in Shushi.
  4. The Council shall consist of:
    • 7 Armenian representatives (1 each from the city, Khachen, Dizaq, Jevanshir, Gyulistan; and 2 from Varanda)
    • 3 Muslim representatives (1 from the city and 2 from the district) Note: By special agreement, one delegate each from the Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan shall also be included.
  5. The head of the British Mission in Shushi shall be an ex officio representative of the Council.
  6. The British representative shall have oversight over Council activities and the authority to revoke or suspend any of its decisions.
  7. The Council shall elect its Vice-Chair independently.
  8. All officials are appointed by the Council.
  9. Administration shall be based on the laws of the Russian Empire, including those of the Provisional Government.
  10. Additional legal provisions may be issued by the Council with the Mission’s approval.
  11. Troop movements by either side must be coordinated with and approved by the Mission. Each party must withdraw its forces to positions held prior to the Mission’s arrival. British detachments and pickets will be deployed at major strategic points. Troop levels in each zone shall be determined by the Mission.
  12. Administrative expenses shall be covered through taxation and levies. If funds are insufficient, the Council is obliged to secure the necessary amount—even on credit.
  13. Project details shall be determined by the Council in agreement with the Mission.

Author: G. Bagaturov, Member of the Karabakh National Council and Delegate of the IV Congress Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 252, op. 1, d. 1, p. 3. Typescript copy. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 50. Ex officio – by virtue of office (Lat.)

Telegram from the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Armenian Diplomatic Representative in Tehran

Concerning a Planned Turkish-Led Disarmament of Karabakh and Occupation of Zangezur Telegram No. 1049 – February 20, 1919

We have received official information that Azerbaijan, under the leadership of Turkish generals, is preparing to disarm Karabakh and occupy Zangezur, intending to attack from multiple directions. All necessary steps have been taken. Please do the same on your end. Telegraph Aharonian immediately.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 200, op. 1, d. 271, p. 107. Transcript. Typescript. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 51.

Letter from the Representative of the British Armed Forces in Erivan

To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia Concerning General Walker’s Message on the Appointment of Sultanov as Governor-General of Karabakh February 24, 1919

I have the honor to present to you the translation of a radiogram just received from General Forestier-Walker, who is accompanying General Thomson in Baku:

Dr. Sultanov is being dispatched to Shushi as Governor-General of the districts of Zangezur, Jebrail, Shushi, and Karabakh. He undertakes this role without claiming future administrative authority within Azerbaijan. His mission is solely to maintain law and order. He is not permitted to use armed force and was assured that if he cannot operate under such conditions or fails to restrain interethnic conflicts—especially in this region where he is known as a political figure of the Musavat Party—it is entirely possible that he will not fulfill his commitments.

Major Messon, commander of the 54th Punjab Regiment, will oversee the situation and organize the withdrawal of Andranik’s forces, which intended to station themselves in Azda and Shushi.

With sincere regards, Representative of the British Armed Forces in Erivan [Asser] Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 200, op. 1, d. 244, p. 2. Certified copy. Typescript. Translated from French. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 53.

🖋️ Letter from Hovhannes Katchaznouni to Alexander Khatisov

On the Need for an Official Protest Against the Appointment of a Temporary Governor-General Violating Armenia’s Rights And on Armenian Consent to British Mediation or, Failing That, Arbitration With Support from French Representative Chardigny Tiflis, February 24, 1919

…On the matter of Karabakh and Zangezur:

You are aware that the Azerbaijani government has appointed a Governor-General (Dr. Sultanov) for these districts. During a conversation with General Walker, I voiced a verbal protest against this move by Azerbaijan, which violates our rights and contradicts the prior agreement we made with Walker in Erivan.

It is essential that our government submit a formal written protest. Grounds for protest include:

  • The Armenian highland parts of these districts have long been administered by their own Armenian authorities.
  • The local population, bearing arms, has defended its independence from Azerbaijan.
  • It views its territory as an inseparable part of Armenia.
  • The Armenian Parliament shares this position.
  • In practice, the region is governed by a local council acting under the authority of the Armenian government, which maintains a commissioner in Geryus and funds administrative operations.

On the other hand, General Walker has offered to mediate this dispute between us and the Azerbaijanis, and—if that fails—to refer the issue to arbitration. We fully consented to this approach. Yet Azerbaijan, disregarding our rights and interests, has unilaterally acted in its favor.

Should this decision be implemented, a bloody conflict will be inevitable. The only viable solution is to suspend the introduction of the Governor-Generalship (as it affects Armenian areas) and follow the path proposed by Walker in Erivan.

This was the nature of my conversation with Walker. He gave no definitive answer, noting only that he was being dispatched to Baku by General Thomson, specifically to resolve the Karabakh issue through General Beach. During my meeting with Beach, I will once again explain our position. But I repeat: the government must issue a formal, written protest.

I believe this protest must be directed simultaneously to both the British and Azerbaijani sides. Pressure must be applied in Baku on General Thomson; since we have no representative there, I asked Dastanov to act through the Baku Armenian National Council.

Incidentally, Colonel Chardigny also firmly supports our stance on Karabakh and agrees that a protest is necessary.

Central State Archive of Armenia, f. 200, op. 1, d. 235, pp. 12–13 verso. Autograph. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, doc. No. 52. 253

Yuri Barsegov “Nagorno-Karabakh in International Law and Global Politics”

Artatsolum

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