To the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan regarding the establishment of a General-Governorate Covering the districts of Jevanshir, Shusha, Jebrail, and Zangezur January 26, 1919 According to private information received, the Council of Ministers of the Azerbaijani Republic has resolved to establish a General-Governorate within the districts of Jevanshir, Shusha, Jebrail, and Zangezur. By instruction of my government, I formally protest this decision as a direct violation of Armenia’s territorial rights. Minister of Foreign Affairs (Central State Historical Archives of Armenia, Fund 200, Inventory 1, File 243, Leaf 1. Typescript. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, Document No. 40)
📰 Newspaper “Mshak” Reports on Atrocities by Turkish and Azerbaijani Forces in Armenian Villages of Karabakh
January 28, 1919 In the area surrounding the Askeran Fortress, Azerbaijani troops destroyed 16 mills and looted grain supplies, depriving the Armenian population of the means to grind flour. Armed Azerbaijani raiders from Askeran villages systematically confiscate livestock feed.
A force of several thousand composed of Turkish soldiers and local Azerbaijani bands, under Turkish command, seized the Zabukh Gorge and raided Armenian villages in the Jebrail district. Azerbaijani authorities issued an ultimatum demanding the local Armenian population submit and surrender their weapons.
Azerbaijani units operate along the entire highway from Khankendi to Askeran. Consequently, the Armenian sector of Karabakh is now effectively under siege.
Following a telegram from the Allied High Command in Baku, the British Mission in Shusha issued a formal directive to both sides to cease hostilities. In full compliance with this order, the Armenian population anxiously awaits further instructions from the Allied Command to take decisive action against illegal incursions. (Mshak, January 28, 1919. Translated from Armenian. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, Document No. 41)
🪖 Order by General Andranik to the Military Command and Armenian Population of Karabakh
On the cessation of hostilities against Tatars and Turks due to the Allied Peace Mission in the Caucasus January 28, 1919 Upon receipt of this order, immediately cease all hostilities against Tatars and Turks. The Allied powers demand suspension of all military actions. British and French representatives have arrived and announced that any further warfare in the Caucasus will not be permitted. Turkish forces are to withdraw… General Thomson warns that any future hostile actions may negatively impact the resolution of the Armenian question. Major General Andranik (Mshak, January 28, 1919. Translated from Armenian. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, Document No. 42)
🏛️ Letter from the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia to the Zangezur National Council
Regarding the January 21 Resolution on Temporary Administration in the Armenian Regions of Zangezur and Karabakh January 30, 1919 | Document No. 268 In light of the establishment of temporary governance in the Armenian regions of Zangezur and Karabakh, the Government of Armenia passed the following resolution at its January 21 session:
- The Armenian regions of Zangezur and Karabakh, as inseparable parts of the Republic of Armenia, are to be administered by institutions sanctioned by the central government, in accordance with Armenian law.
- Given communication challenges, general oversight is temporarily entrusted to the existing Armenian National Council of Zangezur, henceforth called the “Regional Council of Zangezur–Karabakh.”
- The Council shall administer the region on behalf of the Republic of Armenia with delegated authority.
- Its membership shall be expanded to include representatives from Armenian sectors of Karabakh and local Tatar populations proportionally.
- The Council’s composition must be submitted for central government approval.
- All government institutions and officials, pending new arrangements, shall be accountable to the Council.
- Local revenues shall serve regional needs; deficiencies will be supplemented by the Republic’s treasury.
- 400,000 rubles shall be allocated from the national treasury for February state expenses.
- A financial report on the use of these funds must be submitted to the central government.
- For March and beyond, the Council shall propose budget plans specifying local revenue shares and required supplements not exceeding 400,000 rubles monthly.
- A government commissioner will be dispatched to Goris as the Republic’s representative in the Armenian region of Zangezur–Karabakh.
- The commissioner shall monitor the Council’s legal operations and issue directives as necessary.
- The February allocation must be spent with the commissioner’s approval.
- Treasury orders must carry the commissioner’s signature to be valid.
This resolution is hereby communicated to the Zangezur National Council for guidance. Prime Minister (Central State Historical Archives of Armenia, Fund 199, Inventory 1, File 38, Sheets 5–6. Typescript. Translated from Armenian. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, Document No. 43)
📝 Memorandum from the Karabakh Armenian National Council to the Government of Armenia
On the Military and Political Developments in Artsakh Since December 1917, the Armenian Struggle Against Azerbaijani Invaders, the Complacency of the British Military Mission, and the Urgent Need for Material and Military Aid to Karabakh Armenians Shusha, January 31, 1919
Since December 1917, when Russian border troops began withdrawing from the banks of the Araks River and returning to Russia, local Muslim populations brutally destroyed all border posts, warehouses, and the extensive infrastructure along the newly built Baku–Julfa road. They seized arms and military equipment. In the Jebrail region, an entire Russian company was buried alive in wells.
The last remaining Russian soldiers, en route from Shusha to Yevlakh, refused to sell or transfer weapons to Armenians—even for money. Yet at the Barda station, the same unit surrendered all weapons and four machine guns to the Turks. All of this occurred before our eyes. While Turkish weapons were not yet aimed at us, we remained silent observers.
Armenian servicemen from our region had not yet returned from the front, and the rest of the population was entirely without arms. To safeguard the interests of the Armenian population in Karabakh, an inter-party bureau was initially formed in Shusha, followed in July 1918 by the establishment of an Armenian People’s Government.
Deprived of communication routes and any material resources, the Karabakh administration somehow managed the situation. Despite immense sacrifice and hardship, it organized harvests, as the previous year’s drought—alongside blocked roads and isolation—had pushed the Armenian population to the brink of disaster, suffering from relentless hunger.
From May 1918 onward, Turkish officers appeared in various Muslim districts of Karabakh, acting on behalf of the Ottoman government and Azerbaijan. In numerous locations, they issued ultimatums demanding submission and disarmament. We repeatedly rejected these overtures under various pretexts.
This situation persisted until August 28, 1918, when wagons and pack animals were dispatched from Shusha to retrieve military supplies for the Shusha Regiment from Goris. Near the well-known Armenian village of Karakhshlag, they were encircled by Turkish and Azerbaijani forces. A vastly unequal battle ensued. After eight days of resistance, the village was depopulated and completely destroyed.
This event shook the Armenians of Karabakh deeply, as Karakhshlag had been an impregnable defensive position for Shusha, and its population was known for its courageous warriors. Nevertheless, despite this military success, the local Muslim population did not launch a direct offensive against us in central Karabakh—at least until the capture of Baku.
Following Baku’s fall, a Turkish division, well-armed with artillery, machine guns, and other equipment, was dispatched toward Shusha. The Armenians of Shusha were unable to mount any resistance due to complete lack of armaments.
Thus, when our response to another ultimatum sent from Aghdam was delayed by a single day due to obstructing circumstances, the Turks—rather than advancing through the Askeran Gorge—first ravaged several Armenian villages on both sides of Askeran. By clearing the way through destruction, they entered Shusha almost unchallenged.
Contrary to their assurances, ten days after arrival, Turkish forces arrested members of the Armenian intelligentsia, tortured them in prison, and hanged three peasants in Shusha as a brutal warning to the Armenian population.
📜 Excerpt from the Memorandum of the Karabakh Armenian National Council to the Government of Armenia
Shusha, January 31, 1919
Following the Turkish withdrawal from Shusha, hostilities shifted toward Varanda and Khachen, and in the direction of Jraberd and Aghdar (Martakert). In both instances, the enemy suffered devastating defeat—those who survived abandoned their cannons and machine guns and fled in disarray.
Around this time, in late November 1918, the Karabakh population initiated secret correspondence with General Andranik, pleading for him to advance from Goris and liberate Karabakh. When our national hero reached the Akaru River and Karabakh’s warriors came to meet him, General Thomson—under pressure and persuasion from the Azerbaijani government—dispatched two British officers to halt military operations. Obeying Andranik’s order, the fighting ceased, yet our situation remained entirely uncertain.
While the Turks did evacuate Shusha and several nearby villages, not all of them left Karabakh. Their forces continued to operate among the Aghdam Tatars, where they reorganized into groups. Moreover, significant quantities of cannons, machine guns, and military supplies were handed over by Turkish forces to the Azerbaijani government.
On December 1 (13), a second British mission arrived in Shusha. They declared that any party responsible for renewed hostilities would be considered an enemy of England. Their stated aim was to reopen travel routes, restore peace, and assist the afflicted population.
Karabakh Armenians—divided into four military districts (Dizak, Varanda, Khachen, and Jraberd)—sent four delegates to the British mission, affirming that they neither recognized nor accepted the authority of the Turkish or Azerbaijani governments. They had fought these powers to the last moment, as allies of England, and laid down their arms only by order of General Thomson.
Our aspiration is political unification with the Ararat Republic and, together, with the entirety of our homeland (Turkish Armenia). If this proves unfeasible, then we wish to remain within the borders of the Russian Republic alongside Erivan. Though the British mission repeatedly insisted that General Thomson recognized the Azerbaijani Republic and that their mandate was non-political, they eventually came to realize the tenuous situation in Karabakh—where Azerbaijan had failed to subjugate the Armenians beyond the city and a few villages, leading to an outright impasse.
Even after their arrival, up to four Turkish attacks were carried out against Armenians, while our people remained loyal. The British mission has now spent two months here, yet none of our proposals have been implemented. Their political intentions remain unclear, and we are left guessing at their true objectives.
At this very moment, Armenians continue to suffer Turkish attacks—ambushes and killings on the roads, assaults on villages—while the mission limits itself to sending telegrams to General Thomson, from whom no constructive response has been received.
Worse still, in early January, local Muslims completed their military conscription. Over the past week, the Azerbaijani government began deploying its troops into the very Armenian districts previously occupied by Turkish forces in September: roughly 400 soldiers with artillery and machine guns are stationed in Khankendi, and several hundred reinforced the Askeran Gorge.
We report all these developments to the British mission daily. Their only reply is to affirm that these regions “belong to Azerbaijan,” because Azerbaijani forces once took them by force. This response fails to satisfy us. It threatens our very physical existence, and we cannot tolerate such indifference from our allies—especially when they witness these events unfold in the heart of our homeland and remain silent, while also denying us the right to take defensive measures.
From a reliable source, we learned that on January 15, a Muslim congress convened in Aghdam. Among various issues discussed was the defiance of Karabakh’s Armenians. Strategies were proposed for our complete neutralization to enforce final submission to Azerbaijan and resolve the “nomadic question.” They decided to retain a Turkish officer nicknamed Kazimbek to counter General Andranik, secure the highway from Aghdam to Zangezur, and concentrate forces at strategic points.
Their plan is to use nomadic hands to destroy Armenian springtime sowing and cultivation around Aghdam and Khonashen, and—unimpeded—advance their encampments into Zangezur. They have already concentrated large forces in the Zabukh Gorge.
Given all these developments and General Thomson’s policy, we foresee bloody events soon unfolding in Karabakh—events the British may prove incapable of preventing.
Currently, Karabakh’s Armenians face extreme hardship—economically and physically. Our resources are utterly depleted. Bread sells for three rubles per pound—if it can be found. Even in times of peace, our flour came from outside the region. Now, grain must be bought from the Tatars, yet relations with them are entirely severed and likely will remain so. Poor harvests, hailstorms, and floods of refugees have left our people exhausted. Hunger is rampant, and infectious diseases claim many lives. We have no money… Goods are traded through barter, and our streets are crowded with refugees and starving beggars pleading for bread.
As for our military organization: we have men ready to fight, but lack sufficient arms and ammunition. Financial constraints make it impossible to forge a unified, disciplined army.
Karabakh’s Armenians feel like outcasts among their own people—that no one, not even the Ararat Republic, is willing to extend a helping hand or ease our suffering. How else can we interpret this silence and neglect? Can it be that our cries go unheard? Is it truly impossible for you to find a way to rescue this desperate people?
We do not ask the Ararat government to declare war on Azerbaijan on our behalf—God forbid. We categorically reject any interethnic war. But Ararat can and must dispatch a regiment to Zangezur in defense of its own borders, which would also provide us support should our survival be jeopardized. Ararat could have sent funds and military supplies. We are severed from everything and encircled on all sides. Were it not for General Andranik in Zangezur, Karabakh might by now be nothing but ruins.
As spring approaches, General Andranik will depart for Nakhichevan or Turkish Armenia, following a proposal of the British mission and in line with their wishes. Then our situation will become utterly hopeless. Armed nomads will invade the Armenian highlands, backed by Azerbaijani forces. What will our fate be then?
Thus, the Karabakh Armenian National Council urgently appeals to you to send financial aid and military supplies to Karabakh. These are essential both to preserve the lives of our starving people and to establish an internal administration—while also enabling us to protect our independence until our political status is resolved.
Chairman: E. Ishkhanyan Secretary: Ar. Ter-Mikayelyan (Central State Historical Archives of Armenia, Fund 200, Inventory 1, File 309, Sheets 204–207 verso. Manuscript. Translated from Armenian. Published in: Nagorno-Karabakh in 1918–1923, Yerevan, 1992, Document No. 44) 246
Yuri Barsegov “Nagorno-Karabakh in International Law and Global Politics”
Artatsolum
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